Why Chinese Democracy is Superior to Western Democracy According to Zhang Shuhua

"Chinese-style democracy is a novel form of democracy, different from previous forms of democracy"

Today’s edition is a guest post by Daniel Crain, one of Sinification’s earliest supporters and contributors.

2024 is proving to be a whirlwind year for democracies around the world: from the liberal opposition's landslide victory in South Korea’s legislative election and Labour's historic sweep in the United Kingdom to the unexpected setbacks of Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in India and Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France. Meanwhile, in the United States, November’s presidential election has taken a dramatic turn since President Joe Biden endorsed Kamala Harris's candidacy, sparking an unforeseen wave of enthusiasm for the Democratic anti-Trump ticket.

However, it is worth remembering that for some Chinese thinkers, one-size-fits-all institutional arrangements like elections should not necessarily be considered synonymous with democracy. This perspective is articulated in today’s piece by Zhang Shuhua (张树华), director of the Institute of Political Science at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Originally delivered on July 29th as the keynote speech at a Zhengzhou-based seminar entitled ‘Whole-Process People's Democracy and its World Significance’, this piece features Zhang defending what he views as China’s democratic bona fides to an audience of academics and officials from China and Latin America. Such events underscore Beijing’s enthusiasm for engaging with voices in the Global South and building solidarity towards the search for alternative political models that transcend the status quo boundaries drawn by the West.

Zhang argues that in governance, results are more important than rhetoric and electoral processes. He asserts that elections mean little if people are not satisfied with the performance of the leaders they elect. What truly matters are results — such as economic growth, public opinion and rising standards of living. As Washington remains firmly committed to a vision of a global political system bifurcated between ‘democracies’ and ‘autocracies’, voices like Zhang’s aim to dismantle this binary perspective. For if the Chinese political system is not an autocracy but rather a misunderstood democracy, Washington’s rhetorical attack loses its teeth. Moreover, if China’s system is even more democratic than those of its critics, then the world has much to learn from China’s people-centred model.

Admittedly, some readers will be frustrated by Zhang’s lack of interest in countering or even acknowledging the many well-documented critiques of China’s ‘democratic’ system. Nevertheless, the argument exemplified by this speech is significant. It will be worth observing how the defence of Chinese democracy continues to evolve and how effectively its core message resonates across the Global South and beyond.

Daniel

Key Points

1. Democracy is a complex ideal that has taken various forms throughout human history. The West should not hold a monopoly over its definition and Chinese academics should be more confident in shaping its parameters.

2. Chinese democracy is ‘genuine’ democracy. It delivers results, reflects the will of the people and, most importantly, enables Chinese citizens to serve as 'master’s of their own house [人民当家作主]’.

3. Western-style democracy fails on at least three fronts:

   1. It has ‘deteriorated’ into an elite-driven power game, where citizens are often reduced to mere spectators.

   2. It has been 'distorted' into a tumultuous marketplace for votes, where capital reigns.

   3. It has been ‘instrumentalised’ by the elite: domestically, to serve their own interests; internationally, to justify colour revolutions and America's so-called war on terror.

4. China’s consistently high-rates of government satisfaction are unparalleled globally and demonstrate the democratic nature of its political system.

5. Chinese-style democracy emphasises people’s livelihoods, public participation and government responsiveness through mechanisms like public service hotlines, public opinion tracking and the careful adherence to the 'mass line' [群众路线].

6. The world has much to learn from China’s ‘high-quality’ democratic governance. It is socialist in nature, people-centred and free from the structural and procedural limitations of Western democracies.

The Author

Name: Zhang Shuhua (张树华)
Date of birth: October 1966 (age: 57)
Position: Director of the Institute of Political Science, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS); Dean of the School of Government, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (UCASS)
Previously: Entire career at CASS
Other: Member of the 11th, 12th and 13th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC)
Research focus: Chinese politics; Comparative politics and democratisation; Politics of the Soviet Union and Russia
Education: BA Nankai University (1986); PhD Moscow University (1994)
Experience abroad: Several years in the USSR/Russia

EXPLORING CHINA'S NEW FORM OF DEMOCRACY AND PAVING A NEW DEMOCRATIC PATH FOR THE WORLD
Zhang Shuhua (张树华)
Published by Guancha.cn on 1 August 2024
(Illustration by OpenAI’s DALL·E 3)

I. Introduction: The Instability of Today’s World

The world today has entered a state characterised by chaos [混乱], turbulence [动荡] and disorder [失序]. In recent years, dialogue between countries has decreased, while confrontation has increased. The struggles for dominance between major powers have intensified, while cooperative exchanges conducted on an equal footing have diminished. Currently, several major nations are experiencing domestic struggles, disorder, strife and even violence, with some finding themselves on the verge of civil war. We witness Western-style democracy, once celebrated for its glory, now falling into disrepute.

‘Democracy’ is one of the most familiar yet confusing words we can think of. The word ‘democracy’ is at once ancient and fashionable. But over the years, especially in the 30-plus years since the end of the Cold War, we have witnessed at least some of the following: first, Western-style democracy has deteriorated; second, Western-style democracy has been distorted in some countries; and third, democracy has been instrumentalised in both domestic and international political struggles. We have witnessed the deterioration of democracy [民主的劣质化], the distortion of democracy [民主的异化], and the instrumentalisation of democracy [民主的工具化].

II. The Failures of Western-style Democracy

Two days ago, Trump was shot and then said he had taken a bullet for American democracy. When the Democratic Party changed its candidate [换马], Trump accused them of distorting, violating and opposing democracy, and when Trump was in power, the Democrats viewed him as a ‘dictator’.

[First,] we can see that Western-style democracy has deteriorated. American-style democracy has degenerated into a power game, a maze of political struggles that occur in one election after another [一场场选举的政治权斗的迷局]. In such countries, the people are forced into an inescapable [form of] democracy; their power is unwillingly ceded and they are reduced to mere spectators in these ongoing power games.

Second, in some countries we have witnessed the distortion [异化] of democracy in 'four arenas [四场]’. These include: the marketplace for votes [选票的市场], the tumult of elections [选举的闹场], the dog and pony show of politicians [政客的秀场] and the gambling house of political parties [政党的赌场]. The marketplace for votes is a term I borrow from the French economist Thomas Piketty. In an article in which he provides an assessment of today’s democracies across the world, which followed [his book] Capital in the Twenty-First Century, he states that in many Western countries, democracy has turned into a marketplace for votes.

Third, in the 30-plus years since the Cold War, we have witnessed the instrumentalisation [工具化] of democracy. One aspect of this is evidenced at the domestic level, where democracy has turned into a complete power struggle, a game of money played by the few—an oligarchy [寡头政治]. Another aspect of this is manifested internationally, where some countries have used the banner of democracy to launch colour revolutions and so-called anti-terrorism wars against other states. The Cold War framing of a struggle for 'democracy, human rights and freedom' has led to international conflicts and even hot wars.

We now find that in the 21st century, democracy has become even more distorted. Among political scientists and the international academic community, defining and debating democracy is not simply a hot topic; it is an eternal subject of interest [永恒的热题]. What [exactly] is democracy? What is its essence? It seems that nobody really knows.

III. The Importance of Defining and Defending ‘Chinese-style Democracy’

For Chinese academics, it is crucial that we remain confident and avoid following trends blindly [不跟风]. [We must] display confidence rather than complacency, seek dialogue rather than confrontation, learn rather than replicate, take care of our own matters diligently and commit to walking our own path.

After years of investigation and research, we believe that Chinese-style democracy is genuine [democracy]. Unlike in the West, Chinese-style democracy can be seen [看得见的] and felt [可感知的]. It is infused with the essence of everyday life [烟火气的].

First, Chinese democracy means that the people are the masters of their own house [人民当家作主]. We have witnessed the degradation, distortion and instrumentalisation of democracy in some countries. By contrast, Chinese-style democracy is genuine [democracy]. Unlike in other countries where the people have been ‘democratised [被民主]' only to become bystanders [看客], pawns [棋子] and [mere] spectators [观众], in China democracy’s chief characteristic is politics by, rule by and continuous involvement of the people [人民政治、人民之治、人民永远在场]. This is different from the oligarchic politics, capital-driven and money-centred games seen in the West. The essence of Chinese democracy is that the people are the masters, participating fully throughout the entire process, across all domains and at all times [人民全程全域全时在场], rather than intermittently [间断的], partially [部分的], passively[被动的] or negatively [消极的].

Second, democracy in China is a politics of public sentiment [民心政治]. The key to determining whether democracy is fake or genuine lies in the support of the people [民心]. Longitudinal research conducted by Harvard University since 2013 has shown that the [Communist] Party of China and the Chinese government have maintained satisfaction and support ratings of over 90%. This is a level of public approval that is far beyond the reach [望尘莫及的] of any other countries’ political parties or governments. This is democracy. This is popular sentiment. Of course, the two most important keywords in the politics of public sentiment, which I won't elaborate on today, are trust and unity, not anything else.

Third, democracy in China places greater emphasis on improving people’s livelihoods [民生]. The key to distinguishing between genuine and fake democracy lies in public sentiment, [but] the true test of democracy depends first and foremost on [the improvement of] people's livelihoods. Over the past 40-plus years, the data relating to China’s economic development and the well-being of its people are simply unprecedented. Whether considering GDP or other measures of well-being, ordinary Chinese citizens [中国老百姓] feel that our democracy has enhanced their livelihoods, enabling them to lead a good life.

Fourth, China's [focus on improving] people's livelihoods is reflected in listening to public opinion [民意], gathering the people's wisdom [聚民智], improving people's lives [惠民生], satisfying their aspirations [顺民心] and addressing their concerns [解民忧上]. In this regard, everyone can see that Beijing's '12345' [public service hotline] is not just a hotline for the people or the city, but a symbol of the Chinese government's responsiveness. It shows that the government addresses people's worries, listens to their opinions, and understands their feelings. The Beijing Municipal Government handles between 50,000 to 70,000 queries every day. Since the hotline's official launch in 2019, nearly 200 million livelihood-related demands and requests have been dealt with.

Municipal governments in other countries could never systematically manage such a large volume [of issues] or achieve such a high rate of problem recognition and resolution. It requires courage to reflect public opinion, listen to the people's wisdom and address such a vast array of problems. Governments in other countries would not even dare to contemplate [employing such a system]. Allowing ordinary citizens to express their views is one of the greatest experiences of democracy. As ordinary people, whenever we encounter issues in our daily lives and work, we can get a response just by raising these. This is the greatest manifestation of [people’s] democratic rights.

Fifth, advancing democracy. Although the system that underlies a democracy is fundamentally important, it is equally vital to discuss a democracy’s character [气质], spirit [精神], traits [气质] and practices [作风]. This is what the Communist Party of China refers to as following the mass line [群众路线] and advancing democracy. Although the system itself is important, institutions can also be cold and impersonal. To achieve a democracy that is perceptible [感知], of [high] quality [品质], warm [温度] and broad-based [广度], we must advance the spirit and practices of democracy. [Xi Jinping’s] use of the expression ‘advancing democracy' is very apt. We [must] often emphasise the need to study the quality, value and character of democracy.

IV. The Superiority of ‘Chinese-style Democracy’

Finally, let us summarise the concept of Chinese-style democracy and how it is interpreted and articulated academically. Chinese-style democracy is a novel form of democracy, different from previous forms of democracy in other countries as evidenced by its nature [性质], essence [本质], substance [实质] and quality [品质]. In terms of its nature [性质], Chinese-style democracy is socialist democracy and is a far cry from the capital-driven, money-centred and oligarchic politics [of the West]. In terms of its essence, Chinese-style democracy is about the people being the master’s of their own house. Unlike the partial [部分的], partisan [党派的], localised [地域的] or racial [种族式的] nature of [democracies in] some other countries, Chinese-style democracy emphasises the people. We look at democracy holistically, and therefore differentiate it in substance and quality. Chinese democracy is of high quality and is linked with China's high-quality governance and high-quality economic development.

There are currently numerous controversies surrounding democracies across the world. However, in China, you will see that democracy is lively [生动], practised [实践], growing [成长] and vibrant [鲜活]. Therefore, when examining Chinese-style democracy, it should be connected with China's governance, the sentiments of ordinary citizens and so on. Only this way can scholars avoid insular conversations behind closed doors and talking only to themselves. Only this way, can we ensure our academic research sidesteps superficiality and logical inconsistencies. China's democracy is rooted in its people and brings to the fore the main body [主体性], autonomy [自主性], historicity [历史性], affinity with the masses [人民性] and realism [现实性].

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